Continuing the second “Cost of Gun Control” series with the next State in alphabetical order, Colorado, we will again see the State fit the profile of a gun control venue as the key dates and rates are noted.
As usual with this series, all crime numbers mentioned here are from the FBI Uniform Crime Report,either from the printed or internet editions,or from this spreadsheet, maintained by the Disaster Center.
There are multiple objects in this series, the primary one being to demonstrate that the universal increase in all forms of crime when restrictive gun laws cannot be a result of coincidence. Since each State has different income levels as well as different demographics, the probability that crime rates will rise and fall in lockstep immediately after imposing or repealing a restriive gun law are extremely remote. When you have hundreds of such “coincidences” crediting other factors than gun control becomes statistically impossible. A subject we will return to after we look at Colorado’s gun laws and crime numbers.
The key dates and violent crime rates are:
1960, the 27th year of a long term decline in crime following the repeal of Prohibition when the violent crime rate was 156.5 per 100,000 population.
1963,the year the entertainment industry began a nationwide gun ban campaign;when the crim rate was 1156.5 per 100,000 population.
1954,the first full year of Hollywood’s gun ban campaign, when the rime rate was 1,337.5.
1968, the full year of Hollywood’s gun ban campaign, and the year the Federal Gun Control Act of 1968 was imposed and the crime rate was 2,890.4/
1969, the first full year of Federal gun controls when the rate of crimes crimes reported to the police jumped to 3,225.5 per 100,000 population.
973, the fifth full year of Federal gun controls, which saw the crime rate soar to 3,664.4.
1992, the peak year for violent crime, when the “Assault Weapons Ban” campaign was at its height; and the crime total reported by the police was 5,052.9 per 100,000 population.
2013, when the State banned standard capacity magazines on many firearms including Sprt Utility Rifles:, when the violent crime rate was down to 305.4 per 100,000; thanks to the 1993 shift in gun purchases from sporting rifles and shotguns to handguns and other defensive weapons.
As you can see from the chart below, violent crime rates rose in 204, 2015, and from preliminary numbers, in 2016 as a result of new gun restrictions imposed in 2013.
At this point, let me point out that in 1960 only 48 percent of Colorado’s homicides were gun related, but by 1968 69.6 percent of the State’s homicides were gun related. A percentage that has fallen very little in 49 years.
For 2015, the last year for which we have FBI crime numbers, victims reported 72765 or one crime for every 50 Residents, a moderately low rate consistent with a largely rural State outside the Denver metro area. For 2015 Colorado reported 176 murders for a rate of 5.8 homicides per 100,000, and a firearms homicide rate of 3.8 per 100,000. 65.3 percent of homicides were firearms related, slightly below the national average.
With that, it is chart time, with a pre-chart note that media reports make it clear the small decline after 2012 is due to a decline in the number of teens “getting it on” over girls or the other things teens and young adults settle with fisticuffs: combined with increased population as the number of illegals and those fleeing California grow:
Colorado’s deomographics are atypical, comprising approximaely 80 percent Palefae, 15 percent Asians, Hispanics, and other low crime rte minorities, and les than five percent the mroe violent minorities.
Since that is the case, you can expect Colorado’s crime, violent crime, and homicide rates to be comparatively low, and the outside the Colorado Springs to Pueblo strip State does not disappoint.
Denver is quite violent, with a 2015 violent crime rate near 711 per 100,000 population; Colorado Springs came in at 431 violent crimes per 100,000; and Pueblo and Pueblo a staggering violent crime rate of 918.8, per 100,000 population.
Of course, homicide is a part of violent crime: and Colorado’s homicide rates also reflect the low preponderance of low violence demographic groups:
Like Colorado’s violent crime rates, Colorado’s murder totals have tracked the expected results of gun control campaigns and restrictive gun laws, starting in 1963. Since there has been little political pressure, and the State has become a hub for drug distribution, the decline in violent crime and homicide has not taken place. Instead, the constant pressure for more restrictive gun laws has driven violent crime rates up, as you can see at the right side of the homicide chart.
Obviously, Colorado has paid a terrible price for gun control, including thousands of homicides at an estimated cost of $2,200,000 each, the estimated $32,000 each cost of treating shooting victims, the cost of lost productivity, lost wages, and disability, lost companionship, the loss of parents, the cost of goods disappeared, damaged, or stolen, and the additional cost of security, Law Enforcement, prosecutions, prisons, and parole – to begin to list the additional costs incurred as a result of restrictive gun laws.
In Colorado’s case, the estimate of the dollar cost of gun control is $64,500,000,000, sixty four and a half billion, dollars since 1963. And that does not include the cost of intangibles such as loss of companionship.
Sixty for billion dollars is far too much to expect any State to pay for laws that do not reduce crime, do not make anyone safer, or do anything an informed person would consider good. Ad yet, there are politically pwerful people who think gun control will benefit them. Colorado’s ANTI-Party Governor Hickenlooper, for one.
It is time for Congress to do its duty and preempt all local and State gun restrictions on firearms more restrictive than Federal law, and to examine the results of every Federal law and regulation and repeal the counterproductive majority. And, because there are people like Hickenlooper, impose a reasonable penalty, at least $100,000 a day, on those attempting to enforce preempted legislation or to evade the limits imposed on local laws and ordinances.